Does the opposition need a PRI? What PRI?

PRI is critical to the legislative and electoral competition against López Obrador; not so is his current national leadership led by Alejandro Moreno.

The PRI is at its worst moment in 93 years, but it still has territorial structures across states and the ability to mobilize social strata where the PAN has no influence. In the aggregate of polls, he reaches at least 17% of the vote; far from its former glory, but necessary for a successful union. No wonder Morena gladly accepts the PRI, which – out of frustration or opportunism – joins its ranks and helps it win the elections.

Contrary to popular myth, PRI is heterogeneous: it is made up of internal groups that do not always agree with each other. During López Obrador’s time, some of the clearest and most consistent opposition voices were PRI supporters; others turned out to be collaborators; somewhat more ambiguous. Thus, the dispute is not about whether a PRI is needed, but about which PRI is needed.

In particular, the group that today controls the PRI’s national leadership is becoming more of a liability than an active adversary. Scandals over alleged corruption, occasional nods to the government, and breaches of legislative promises, Alejandro Moreno’s leadership not only puts the Va por México alliance at risk, but also publicly discredits the PRI. yes already huge – to self-extinguishing.

For weeks, and at the request of the national leadership, PRI deputies have been flirting with the idea of ​​approving an energy counter-reform. In the debate about the militarization of the National Guard, the PRI covered it up. On the contrary, in the Senate, the PRI has fulfilled its function as a counterbalance. Now the Alejandro Moreno group has taken the initiative to expand the involvement of the Armed Forces, arguing that there is not enough time to consolidate the (unconstitutional) military National Guard.

Even if the latter has the merit that the alleged opposition party whitewashes the government? In any case, it was Morena’s job to ask for this extension: it would expose the President’s failure to create public safety conditions in 2024. Instead, Moreno Cárdenas forced the PRI to bear this price, which torpedoes the alliance and wears down the party in front of millions. citizens. And there is still an attempt at official electoral reform to co-opt the INE. How can you be sure that Alejandro Moreno’s PRI will not bend again in the face of new pressure, which will no doubt come from the government, to deal a death blow to democracy in order to save his own skin? How to believe “that” PRI?

Several groups within the party were unhappy with the juggling of the national leadership as well as their allies (PAN, PRD) and citizens. Faced with such public rejection and loss of trust, it would be an ethical, responsible and profitable move to create a viable opposition if Alito’s leadership resigned. But they already said they would never do that. At first they stay to run trophies that allow repairs. What to do with it?

For over 15 years I have been a member of the PRI, from which I resigned in 2019 for not sharing its national leadership project. I know the party well; there are many valuable and consistent members of the PRI: they need to clearly distance themselves from the dominant group in order to preserve what is left of the party before they end up auctioning it off in exchange for impunity. As for the alliance, it’s not about breaking with the PRI, but about choosing which PRI is profitable to work with. Citizens should use voting to support a decent PRI and punish the unworthy.

GUILLERMO LERDO DE TEJADA SERVITGE
EMPLOYEE
@GUILLERMOLERDO